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The seaport also had a tradition of embracing educational outsiders.

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By the turn of the 19th century, Connecticut whites still held nearly a thousand blacks in bondage. In other words, masters did not have to release a single slave until Byapproximately 2, slaves remained. Just one year earlier black Bostonian David Walker had published his Appealwhich sanctioned black-on-white violence to secure social change.

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On the surface, it is not hard to understand why college proponents put so much faith in New Haven. They deemed New Haven, Connecticut the most suitable location for the new institution. And while the percentage of free blacks in New Haven was tiny and decreasing in the fall ofthe perceived threat engendered by their presence was on the increase.

Transportation networks to and around the town were improving daily.


In some newspapers, articles about the college and the massacre in Virginia appeared side by side. How could the college planners have been so wrong in their perception of New Haven? Diminished opportunities for vocational education paralleled declines in their rights of citizenship.

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Such attacks quashed any hope that the African college might one day open in New Haven. They refused to sanction such an unholy alliance.

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Carter, C. Peter Ripley, and Jeffrey Rossback, Connecticut Journal13 September Comments are closed. On August 10,a mob attacked again, removing the school from its foundations and depositing it in a nearby swamp. White New Haveners opposed the college from their desire to halt more black arrivals.

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The concerns they voiced centered around the deleterious effects of the college on the social and economic status of their community, on Yale, and, by extension, on themselves. In addition to Yale University, the town hosted three male academies, two female seminaries, and several boarding schools. They rejected the manual labor college because they perceived it jeopardized their social and economic stability. It took white New Haveners just three days to disprove such characterizations.

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By the fall oftensions surrounding free people of color in New Haven were reaching their breaking point, exacerbated by calls to extend emancipation nationwide. By destroying the New Haven home of abolitionist and college supporter Arthur Tappan, rioters denounced federal interference with local affairs and renounced the prospect of immediate emancipation. Relations between the white majority and black minority appeared stable and harmonious. In for example, E. Four years later, free blacks in the city constructed a meetinghouse that included a separate Sabbath school.

Alternating with Hartford as the capital of Connecticut, the town offered both the benefits of a large, cosmopolitan city and those of a small community intimately linked by ties of family and church. Little could Turner have imagined that among the casualties of his rebellion would be the first college for African Americans. By also razing a black-owned home to its foundations, rioters declared their desire to end the black economic progress they perceived as occurring at their expense. In23 people of color remained enslaved in Connecticut.

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Still, its population of just over 10, was still tiny in comparison to the other eastern ports of Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New York. Over the decade in New Haven, white townspeople had encouraged free blacks to build their own schools and open Temple Street, a black church.

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For a community already uneasy with the free black population seemingly increasing in their midst, the shock of Turner was too much to withstand. Hilary Moss is an assistant professor of history and black studies at Amherst College.

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Within the next five years, four other towns in the region would erupt over efforts to expand black education. Many later recalled being awed by the ferociousness of the response against them. Predominantly Protestant, white, and native-born, New Haveners enthusiastically championed the benevolent movements of the age, especially temperance, colonization, and education. Personally, Simeon Jocelyn had found his white neighbors generally supportive of his efforts to expand black education. Many white mechanics feared this alternative source of cheaper labor endangered their own socio-economic security.

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Still, it would be another two decades before the the first institution of higher education would be established—in Ohio. The following summer, an irate mob in Canaan, New Hampshire stormed Noyes Academy, an integrated classical school. The state would not formally abolish slavery until For example, while as slaves, people of color were trained in all sorts of occupations, as free men and women they no longer received vocational education and were often excluded from profitable trades.

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The seaport was conveniently located between New York, some 75 miles to the south, and Boston, about miles to the north. In short, the timing could hardly have been worse.

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Emancipation in Connecticut moved at a slow and uneven pace. This episode ushered in one of the bleakest periods for black schooling in New England.

“cast down on every side” the ill-fated campaign to found an “ african college” in new haven

Even after college proponents rescinded their plans, unrest in New Haven persisted. On the first Monday in Septembercollege supporters placed a small advertisement in the Philadelphia Chronicle announcing their intentions. College supporters never expected the path to be easy. Wilberforce University, owned and operated by African Americans, would not open until To many white New Haveners, black education and emancipation were intertwined.

ByNew Haven was the largest city in Connecticut, and its s were rising rapidly. In New Haven through the first decades of the 19 th century, a rigid system of socio-occupational and residential segregation emerged to replace the boundary that once demarcated enslaved from free.

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The turnpike system was largely finished by ; a year later, regular steamboat service connected New Haven with Manhattan. For the half-decade, construction on the Farmington Canal had been attracting scores of unskilled workers predominantly Irish but also free blacks into the city.

Where the process of gradual emancipation in New Haven had been corroding white power to control black physical, occupational, and socio-economic mobility, escalating pressure for national emancipation made the notion of an African college championed by black and white abolitionists even more unsettling.

Such a statute gave Connecticut the dubious distinction of being the only state in New England to disenfranchise its black population.